Vietnamization: Military Occupation - Present
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Part 5: Vietnamization: Kampuchea Krom, Demographic, Military, Economic, By Province, Border

Brief History

Once Cambodia's decline began it seemed that it would never halt, for as the centuries passed Cambodia faced the twin threat of stronger neighbours to both the east and west. The Thais has been the people who had brought the Angkorian empire down, but it was the Vietnamese to the east and north of Cambodia who, from the seventeenth century onwards, seemed set on ensuring Cambodia's extinction.

Virtually nothing of this was known in distant Europe, which was scarcely even aware of the magnificent temple ruins that lay hidden in the tropical forests until a French explorer publicised their existence in the middle of the nineteenth century. By that time Cambodia was a vassal of both Thailand and Vietnam and a state whose very existence was in question. During the 1830s Cambodia had undergone the experience of full-scale occupation by the Vietnamese who, like their descendants one hundred and forty years later, established an administration in Phnom Penh comprised of 'their' Cambodians. - Introduction, p. 11

Nothing was more clearly marked in the Cambodian mind than the practical implications of their differences from the Vietnamese that had been revealed during the terrible period in the 1830s and 1840s when Vietnam occupies much of modern Cambodia and sought to transform the state. By the 1820s Cambodia was at one of the lowest points of its long history.... In the 1830s the Vietnamese emperor, Ming Mang, struck against Cambodia, invading the country and placing a puppet queen on the throne. For nearly a decade the Vietnamese worked to eliminate Cambodia’s distinctive identity. They required the wearing of Vietnamese dress by Cambodian officials and the adoption of Vietnamese methods of administration. They struck at the Cambodian Buddhist church, the repository of so much that was essential to Cambodia’s sense of national existence. ...

To suggest that many Cambodians remembered the details of this terrible period would be misleading. But there was quite certainly a memory of the essentials. Vietnam had sought to destroy Cambodia.

- Chapter 16: The Hereditary Enemy (p. 166)

See ETHNOCIDE during the 1980s. History repeating itself.

Kampuchea Krom

ឈ្មោះ ខេត្ត ខ្មែរ កម្ពជា ក្រោម យួន ប្រែ ជាភាសា របស់គេ សព្វថ្ងៃ | KHMER names of the 21 provinces of Kampuchea Krom

១. ព្រះ ត្រពាំង (Trà Vinh = ត្រាវិញ)

២. ស្រុក ឃ្លាំង (Sóc Trăng = សុកត្រាំង)

៣. មាត់ជ្រូក (Châu Ðốc = ចូវដុក)

៤. ក្រមួន ស (Rạch Giá = រ៉ាចយ៉ា)

៥. ពល លាវ (Bạc Liêu = បាកលៀវ)

៦. ទឹក ខ្មៅ (Cà Mau = កាម៉ៅ)

៧. ពាម (Hà Tiên = ហាទៀន ឬ ហាតៀង)

៨. ព្រែក ឫស្សី (Cần Thơ = កឹនថឺ ឬ កឹងថឺ)

៩. លង់ហោរ (Vĩnh Long = វិញឡុង)

១០. ពាម បារ៉ាជ្ញ (Long Xuyên = ឡុងស្វៀន ឬ ឡុងស្វៀង)

១១. រោង ដំរី (Tây Ninh = តីនិញ)

១២. ព្រៃ នគរ (Sài Gòn = សាយហ្កន ឬ សាយហ្កង)

១៣. ទួល តាមោក (Thủ Dầu Một = ធូយ៉ូវម៉ូត ឬ ធូយ៉ូវម៉ូក)

១៤. ផ្សារ ដែក (Sa Đéc = សាដែក)

១៥. ចង្វា ត្រពាំង-ស្រកាត្រី(Biên Hòa = បៀនហ្វា)

១៦. មេ ស (Mỹ Tho = មីថ)

១៧. កោះ គង (Gò Công = ហ្កកុង)

១៨. ព្រះ សួគ៌ា (Bà Rịa = បារៀ)

១៩. ផ្សំ អំបើស (Bến Tre = បេនត្រែ)

២០. ឈ្មោះ ថ្មី (Tân An = តឹនអាន)

២១. អូរ កាប់ (Cap. St. Jacques=កាប សាំងហ្សាក់)

Demographic Vietnamization

American Journal of International Law, 1993
Read complete article in Facebook, 1 of 2

“...status of Vietnamese settlers in Cambodia. These settlers, numbering perhaps 300,000, had arrived from Vietnam after the 1978 invasion; they comprise ethnic Vietnamese who lived in Cambodia prior to their expulsion by the Khmer Republic or Democratic Kampuchea, and southern Vietnamese who moved into Cambodia behind the Vietnamese army, seeking economic gain.”

[Theary’s comments: nearly 200,000 Vietnamese soldiers plus 300,000 settlers in early 1979 in Cambodia; among a barely surviving population of 4-5 million Cambodians emerging from the KR hell; also hard to believe that these “ethnic Vietnamese who lived in Cambodia prior to their expulsion” returned to Cambodia in light of the years of hell Cambodia had just gone through, now for them to return it?!; also the Khmer Republic expelled, but the Khmer Rouge just killed anybody and everybody--Cambodians, Chinese, Chams, Vietnamese alike, so I don't think there were expulsion during the KR]

Excerpts of ch. 3 "Remaking Cambodia", Deliver Us From Evil by William Shawcross

...Kirivong district of Prey Veng province. In a small wooden house on the dike, a crisp Bangladeshi officer gave us an efficient briefing and revealed that after its 1978 invasion, Vietnam had arbitrarily shifted the border here some two and a half miles into Cambodia; scores of villagers had been cut out of their country. Many such border changes had been imposed by Vietnam. (p. 79)

...

SPEAKING FREELY

Vietnam's hidden hand in Cambodia's impasse

By Hassan A Kasem / Asia Times Online | 9 October 2013

[A very rare commentary on this issue of Vietnamization by a Cambodian (or anyone else for that matter) that has made it to print, albeit online, in an established publication. Although published almost 2 years ago, the issue is still timely and evermore relevant.]

Speaking Freely is an Asia Times Online feature that allows guest writers to have their say.

Cambodia, for all its pretensions towards sovereignty and democracy, has yet to free itself from neighboring Vietnam's political and strategic grip 20 years after United Nations-organized elections ended its debilitating civil war. The international community has since invested over US$2 billion on peace initiatives to repair the damage done by Vietnam's 1979 invasion and seizure of power. Yet Hanoi continues to exercise covert power over the country through its proxy ruling Cambodia People's Party (CPP).

Most Khmer citizens fail to fathom the depths of the ongoing subterfuge. Many have conveniently chosen ignorance over truth, as is common among traumatized populations in post-conflict societies. Western audiences, including the international donor community that continues to bankroll the CPP's corrupt and compromised tenure, should be less easily forgiven for turning a blind eye to Vietnam's still strong command over the country.

Some in the West saw Vietnam as a magnanimous liberator in 1979, an occupying army that rescued Cambodia from the radical Khmer Rouge regime's massacre of its own people. But Hanoi's use of force turned a difficult situation to its geopolitical advantage, putting an end to the Khmer Rouge regime's nationalistic stance vis-a-vis Vietnam, including its combative insistence on resolutions to border disputes held over from the French colonial era.

Hanoi's invasion and occupation with over 200,000 troops under the direction of communist revolutionary, politician and diplomat Le Duc Tho further weakened a nation reeling from the anti-communist war and Khmer-on-Khmer death and destruction. A number of brave revolutionary leaders who fell from grace at Hanoi's behest, including ex-prime minister Pen Sovann, have claimed Vietnamese troops deliberately looted and plundered national treasures and wealth during the invasion. Those installed into power by Hanoi, including incumbent prime minister Hun Sen, subsequently brushed off the theft as a mere war casualty.

To some Khmers, including many opposition politicians attached to the aptly named Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP), Hanoi is able to maintain its grip on Cambodia through its historical ties to Hun Sen and the CPP. CNRP members have not spoken without substantiation, feeling it would be morally wrong to exchange denial of truth for peace and power-sharing. The late King Norodom Sihanouk, for instance, said pointedly at a Paris meeting with his compatriots in early 1990 that, "it's meaningless to accept peace without independence, sovereignty and dignity".

After occupying Cambodia for more than a decade from 1979-89, Hanoi developed an elaborate, behind-the-scenes network of control that is in many ways still in place today. It first installed a proxy administration in 1979 known as the People's Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) run by the Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Party (KPRP), which morphed into the CPP in the early 1990's after Vietnamese troops ostensibly withdrew from the country.

The KPRP was a direct offshoot of the Indochina communist Party formed in the 1930s with Vietnamese revolutionary leader Ho Chi Minh as its head. Following its unilateral and unmonitored symbolic withdrawal of troops in 1989, hundreds, if not thousands, of Vietnamese "experts" stayed behind, adopted Khmer names and continued to assist their comrades at every important government ministry and department. Nowadays, only locals can tell who is really Vietnamese and who is Khmer. Hanoi created a perfect ally in the CPP to defend and protect its substantial interests in Cambodia, ranging from land border areas, to maritime concessions, to allowances for illegal Vietnamese immigrants to settle unperturbed throughout the country. Many CPP leaders and high-ranking officials would not have their prestigious positions and titles without Vietnamese backing: they know it, and Hanoi knows it.

[Hanoi's current favorite is Deputy Prime Minister Men Sam An, first woman to this post. Remember when earlier in June of this year when the culture of dialogue was at its most promising point, Hun Sen showed openness revisiting the 2005 and other border treaties with Vietnam and when the 'Foreign Affairs Ministry last week sent a strongly-worded missive to Vietnam demanding it “respect the borderline”', Hanoi reacted and threatened to replace Hun Sen with their (wo)man, Men Sam An. The culture of dialogue began to unravel from that time onward. And Hun Sen returned to his cowering position of prostrating before Big Brother Vietnam and violence against his own people.]

Foreign academics have corroborated in detail the ongoing special relationship. MichaelBenge, a former American prisoner of war in Vietnam who speaks fluent Vietnamese and many ethnic minority dialects, wrote in 2007 that "Hanoi maintains a contingent of 3,000 troops, a mixture of special forces and intelligence agents, with tanks and helicopters, in a huge compound about two kilometers outside Phnom Penh right next to Hun Sen's Tuol Krassaing fortress near Takhmau".

Extending that analysis, local intelligence sources have said when border clashes between Thai and Cambodian troops first erupted in 2008, at least one battalion of Vietnamese elite units was put on standby to assist their Cambodian comrades.

Dr Markus Karbaum, a German academic, revealed in an April Southeast Asia Globe article that Vietnamese officials shared dossiers kept on Cambodia's current ruling elite with the former East Germany's Stasi soon after their defection from the Khmer Rouge in 1977. A young Hun Sen, whose real name according to his dossier was "Hun Bonal", referred to himself as "Hai Phuc", a Vietnamese name, apparently to ingratiate himself with Hanoi. He had served as a Khmer Rouge battalion commander but downplayed his role in commanding over 2,000 soldiers along their shared border at a time the Khmer Rouge had launched many violent cross-border assaults into Vietnam.

The Stasi archive reveals that Hun Sen and other current CPP leaders were first placed in a detention camp and ordered by Vietnamese authorities to write their own biographies. Vietnam's own assessments of those who sought to shift their allegiance to Hanoi were often unforgiving. Current CPP stalwart and president of the Cambodian Senate Chea Sim, for instance, was characterized as "conciliatory, craven and undecided". Heng Samrin, CPP honorary president and a National Assembly chairman, is referred to in the Stasi archive as of "a low education .. [He] does not talk a lot and sometimes he has an inferiority complex ... his political understanding is limited".

While Vietnamese-backed CPP politicians have unquestionably grown into their roles over the years, these intelligence assessments are noteworthy considering Cambodia has been ruled or co-ruled uninterrupted by the CPP ever since it was first installed into power after Vietnam's 1979 invasion. While younger CPP rank and file members are known to have grown weary of the same old names and faces of their party leaders, any generational transition is complicated by Vietnam's continued influence over the party and its historical ties to the old guard.

Puppet masters

The CNRP's repeated reference to CPP leaders as "puppets" of Vietnam is thus not without historical validity. The examples of kowtowing to Hanoi during Hun Sen's 28 consecutive years in power are multiple. On February 26, 1986, while Cambodia was still under direct Vietnamese occupation, Hun Sen signed a directive ordering local authorities to facilitate the settlement of hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese immigrants all over the county, particularly in and around the Tonle Sap Lake region.

Four previous treaties of friendship and cooperation between the two countries (1979, 1982, 1983, 1985), and a 2005 supplemental treaty resulted in territorial loss to Vietnam both on land and at sea. The most glaring recent loss was Koh Tral, an island larger than Singapore located directly opposite the Cambodian coastal town of Sihanoukville known as Phu Quoc in Vietnam. The CNRP has said it still considers the island Cambodian territory because its handover came while the country was under Vietnameseoccupation

In 2010, Hun Sen responded to Vietnamese prime minister Nguyen Tan Dung's concern over ongoing, politicized border disputes by having his controlled courts sentence opposition leader Sam Rainsy to 10 years in prison for uprooting a few contested wooden border posts in Svay Rieng province. Meanwhile, Hun Sen and his CPP party have relied every election cycle on at least three million Vietnamese immigrants who unfailingly vote for the CPP to guarantee victory.

In July 28 elections, however, the Hun Sen-led CPP failed to win its usual landslide. Politically conscious and emboldened voters challenged through exposes over social media the CPP's use of illegal voters, vote-buying and voter intimidation to tilt the result in its favor. The CPP nonetheless rigged the result, officially winning 68 seats to the opposition's 55. Sam Rainsy has claimed his CNRP was robbed of a slim parliamentary majority and in protest has ordered his party members to boycott parliament and staged popular street demonstrations.

The result as it stands means Cambodia will still be subservient to Vietnam's interests for at least another five years. Under Hun Sen's CPP-led government, Vietnamese companies have secured large swathes of Cambodian land in concessions to develop rubber plantations in north and northeast Cambodia. These Vietnamese companies have engaged in massive logging of luxury timber across the country, an unsustainable process that has brought little or no benefit to local Khmer.

In the capital of Phnom Penh, more and more Vietnamese immigrants rent or own new residential buildings, including new luxury apartments and condominiums, with the financial help of Vietnamese government subsidized bank loans. With those state subsidies, part of Hanoi's policy to maintain grassroots control of the local economy, their community and businesses are growing briskly.

Tellingly, Hun Sen and his CPP party seldom use the word "Khmer" in their official addresses. Instead, they use "prajia jun Kampuchea", which means "the people of Kampuchea". Additionally Khmer citizens risk being penalized for referring to their eastern neighbor as "yuon", which merely means "Vietnamese" in the local language; the word "yuon" carries no negative racial overtone towards ethnic Vietnamese. For political correctness, Khmers have been officially encouraged to follow the pro-Hanoi line in referring to Vietnamese as "junjiat Vietnam", which in the Khmer language literally means "Vietnam ethnic or tribe."

During the People's Republic of Kampuchea (1979-1989) and the State of Cambodia (1989-1992) regimes, the majority Khmer used to refer to ethnic Vietnamese as "bang pa-aun Vietnam," which literally means "elder-younger (siblings) Vietnam." There are other words considered to be pejorative, offending, or racial slurs for ethnic Vietnamese, but "yuon" is not one of them. Yuon became a hypersensitive word only after 1979. In 1993, Westerners played into Vietnam's hands by regarding the term without foundation as a racial slur.

When the CNRP claims that Khmer citizens have been systematically victimized while Vietnamese have been protected, some Cambodian government officials and Western donors have raised concerns about the future security of Vietnamese immigrants. When the opposition called for a nationwide mass protest against election irregularities and fraud, many feared pro-CNRP demonstrators may exploit the situation to target ethnic Vietnamese for revenge.

In apparent response, on August 15 Vietnamese troop convoys were reportedly ferried across the Bassac River near Cambodian territory and Vietnam's naval gunboats traveled up the Mekong River toward Phnom Penh in a show of force. Meanwhile, Khmer protesters, most of them disenfranchised and dispossessed members of the impoverished population, faced off with heavily armed security forces backed with high-caliber guns, tanks and armored personnel carriers. Many pro-CNRP protestors and even foreign journalists have been violently assaulted by CPP forces in recent weeks.

As grass roots people protest against the rigged election, many Western commentators have focused narrowly on the impact of the political impasse and rising political instability on economic growth rather than the CPP's illegitimate claim to power. In the final analysis, the opposition CNRP will likely eventually join the CPP-led government because no country in the free world is willing to support its democratic claim to legitimacy in the same way that Vietnam backs Hun Sen and his CPP. The CNRP, meanwhile, risks losing the support of the millions of Cambodians who voted for political change and genuine sovereignty if it joins the CPP-led government.

What is happening now in Cambodia warrants international monitoring since the political impasse is not solely a Khmer versus Khmer issue. To achieve lasting peace and stability, the signatory states to the 1991 Paris Peace Agreement should, as stipulated in Article 5, "undertake to consult immediately with a view to adopting all appropriate steps to ensure respect for these commitments". The international community promised peace, independence, sovereignty and democracy for Cambodia in that agreement. Vietnam's ongoing interventions in Cambodian politics is inconsistent with that vision and in violation of its core principles.

Hassan A Kasem has lived in the United States for 33 years. He previously worked for Radio Free Asia for 14 years in Washington DC and is now the US representative for Khmer M'Chas Srok (KMS), a non-profit, non-partisan NGO advocating the legitimate rights of the Khmer people and preserving the 1991 Paris Peace Accords on Cambodia. Hassan served in the Cambodian air force as a helicopter pilot toward the end of the war. He survived a Khmer Rouge detention camp and challenged the Vietnamese occupation before leaving Cambodia in 1979.

3,000 Vietnamese families, new settlers, who had been living on the river to be moved onto 40 hectares of land in the city of Kampong Chhnang in 2018. The authority cites pollution of the river as the reason. But it will only open the space for newer settlers to fill the river's surface.

Dec. 2019

Click to watch CNN video

Excerpts:

Here, the hammock-nappers fall asleep to the strains of Vietnamese pop songs. The farmers most often wear the conical bamboo hats favored in Vietnam. The snatches of conversation overheard at the coffee shop are frequently in Vietnamese. And many residents of Prek Chrey are not formally citizens of Cambodia, although some have lived here for decades....

Opposition leader Sam Rainsy has for years accused the government of Prime Minister Hun Sen of turning a blind eye to Vietnamese migration and illegally issuing identity cards to these immigrants in order to garner more votes. Vietnamese migrants often favor the ruling Cambodian People’s Party (CPP)....

Sam Rainsy has been convicted of multiple crimes, including defamation, incitement and map defacement, for his efforts over the years to prove that the CPP has carelessly allowed swaths of land along the border to be swallowed up by Vietnam. One lawmaker and one senator from the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), which Sam Rainsy co-founded, were jailed over similar claims....

“Less than 30 percent are Cambodians,” he said of the commune’s population.

“Villagers also complained that Vietnamese can cross to Cambodia to do business, but Cambodians can’t do the same,” he added. “It is not balanced.”...

And also this video taken on 6 July 2018

Brazen confidence. Inside Royal Palace, Phnom Penh, 2018.

"

RFA: “A Cambodian of the Borei Keila land conflict, Mrs. Sar Son, says, As for her she doesn’t think Cambodians will be as fortunate as the Vietnamese citizens whom the Cambodian authority has thoughtfully arranged for decent refuge by giving them territory on land...” Dec. 2018

Click on image to listen to a Khmer-speaking Vietnamese rant against Cambodians.

Click to watch video.

20 February 2019 on Facebook

This lengthy article in the prestigious NYT Magazine with global reach cited only 3 experts, 2 of the 3 are: Christoph Sperfeldt and Lyma Nguyen who have been in a long-term relationship together, although not mentioned in the article. I know both of them, Lyma not as well as Christoph. I met Lyma, who is Vietnamese-Australian, only on several occasions when she would periodically parachute in from Australia from her full-time work into Cambodia to represent pro bono ethnic Vietnamese as civil parties at the Khmer Rouge Tribunal; she also represented Olympian Rob Hamill whose brother was killed at Tuol Sleng. I first met Christoph in 2006 when he worked as a German Civil Peace officer and I was the head of CSD, the NGO at forefront of working on victims participation and conducting provincial public forums across the country for victims and perpetrators, inviting ECCC officials and other experts to join us to engage with the provincial participants. We invited Christoph and he often joined us as one of these panelists/experts. Since then, I have seen him her and there at regional conferences; we have many mutual friends in common. I do not know the author of this article. But I find it interesting that this author is based in Berlin and Christoph is also from Berlin, which raises the suspicion for me that this lengthy article is no "reporting" but a favor to a friend on his research topic that is related to the ethnicity of his romantic partner and the focus of her professional, high-profile advocacy.

I will critique the article content in another post.

1. "Christoph Sperfeldt, a researcher on ethnic Vietnamese citizenship in Cambodia"

2. "Lyma Nguyen, an international civil-party counsel at the tribunal, told me she had hoped that one consequence of the trial would be a pathway to a stable legal identity for Vietnamese survivors of the Khmer Rouge. But she encountered insurmountable resistance to the idea. Current plans for reparations include only a watered-down education program for raising awareness about nationality laws. “Many mainstream Cambodians, including some lawyers and academics, actually don’t think the Vietnamese victims of the genocide should have a legitimate claim to having suffered genocide, because they’re Vietnamese,” she said. “They think it’s all a big conspiracy by Vietnam to swallow up Cambodia.”

"Ben Mauk is a writer based in Berlin. He was a finalist for this year’s National Magazine Award in feature writing."

"This article was written with the support of the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting." (At the beginning of this lengthy article.)

Military Vietnamization

Click to read complete CIA memo, on Facebook or BOX.com

Vietnamese villagers and military blocked Cambodians within Cambodia from visiting the border a kilometer away. 29 June 2015.

The Cambodia Daily | 24 December 2015

Metfone / Viettel

www.RainsySam.com

evidently belongs to the Vietnamese military.

Metfone the largest (?) service provider in Cambodia whose parent company is Viettel of the Vietnamese military has an obsession with Rainsy Sam, it appears.

Metfone jumped the queue bypassing the Ministry of Telecommunications altogether when it established operations some years ago here. See Vietnamization: Metfone

- Theary, 21 Feb. 2017

[Since this posting, Sam Rainsy has been able to claim it.]

Vietnamization by Province, along Border

In addition to the massive Vietnamese Embassy on Monivong Blvd. in Phnom Penh, Vietnam also has at least 2 massive consulates in Battambang and Sihanoukville.

Economic Vietnamization

Vietnamization: Border — for several years, I followed the daily write ups in English of the Vietnamese state-owned paper’s online, eg VNA. Daily, they have several articles on average on Cambodia. The Vietnamese military occupation of Cambodia which OFFICIALLY lasted from Dec. 1978 to 1989, but un reality it’s firm iron grip till October 1991, and covertly ongoing to this day (triggering Chinese overt aggressive response in its overt presence a few years ago). The border regions have been developing by Vietnam, including "renting" land wholesale, village clusters at a time, facilitated by Vietnam’s embedded officials within Cambodia and Hun Sen himself and his greedy, traitorous officials at the provincial levels. - Theary, 26 August 2020 Facebook

Reworking DD and Whitmore’s phrases into the Cambodia context:

Vietnam’s malign influence does not operate in a vacuum. The Vietnamese brand of political warfare in Cambodia tends to thrive in a dark ecosystem amidst networks of influence that support such activity.

The National Election Committee

31 July 2018

My translation of Kimseng Men’s 31 July 2018 message in Khmer, a reporter from VOA Khmer Service:

Yesterday, the reporters were shocked when NEC started its broadcast by speaking Vietnamese. I have given a recording of this to my colleagues from both northern and southern Vietnam to listen, but it is unclear to them.

When I paid really close attention that I heard them say: “Ask Kalyan which province...”

Theary: "NEC" stands for the National Election Committee. “Kalyan" is a Khmer name.

ABC News | 15 May 2018

A Vietnamese state-linked hacking group has used a Cambodian newspaper website to attack a local human rights organisation, according to a leading cyber security firm.....

"In this instance we're pretty confident that this is being carried out by a group we track as APT32," said Ben Wilson, a Canberra-based threat intelligence analyst with cyber security firm FireEye.

"They are what we believe to be a Vietnam-based nation state group that are acting in the interests of Vietnam's political interests," Mr Wilson told the ABC.

Watch the response—incredible!

http://t.co/IeuPjiHzrR

It took the revelation of Chinese hacking to mention as an aside of the Vietnamese-state hacking of weeks past in one article that I’ve perused. - Theary, 12 July 2018

Published Articles re Vietnamization - 7 Parts

អត្ថបទ បានបោះពុម្ភផ្សាយ អំពី វៀតណាមនីយកម្ម - ៧ ផ្នែក

1. Cambodia 1979-1984 (Genocides under Occupation, Jan. 7, Orwellian)

កម្ពុជា ១៩៧៩ - ១៩៨៤ (អំពើប្រល័យពូជសាសន៍ ក្រោមការកាន់កាប់, ៧ ខែមករា, «បង​ធំ»)

2. Cambodia 1985-1990 (K5 Genocide, Vietnam Security Intelligence Monitoring My FB, Blacklisted)

កម្ពុជា ១៩៨៥ - ១៩៩០ (ឧក្រិដ្ឋកម្ម ប្រល័យពូជសាសន៍ ក៥, ស៊ើបការណ៍សម្ងាត់ យួន ត្រួតពិនិត្យ ហ្វេសប៊ុកខ្ញុំ, បញ្ជីខ្មៅ)

3. Cambodia 1991-1999 (Paris Peace Accords)

កម្ពុជា ១៩៩១ - ១៩៩៩ (កិច្ចព្រមព្រៀង សន្តិភាព ប៉ារីស)

4. Cambodia 2000-Present (ECCC "Genocide" verdict)

កម្ពុជា ២០០០ - បច្ចុប្បន្ន (សាលក្រម «ឧក្រិដ្ឋកម្ម ប្រល័យពូជសាសន៍» នៃសាលាក្តី ខ្មែរក្រហម)

5. Vietnamization: Demographic, Military, By Province, Along Border, Economic

វៀតណាមនីយកម្ម៖ ប្រជាសាស្ត្រ, យោធា, តាមខេត្ត, តាមបណ្តោយព្រំដែន, សេដ្ឋកិច្ច

6. Vietnamization: China Responds, ប្រវត្តិសាស្រ្ត (ខេមរ ភាសា)

វៀតណាមនីយកម្ម៖ ចិនឆ្លើយតប, ប្រវត្តិសាស្រ្ត (ខេមរ ភាសា)

7. Vietnamization: Third-Party Spokespeople, Helen Jarvis, Ben Kiernan's Yale Genocide Program, "Yuon" Racism, Ad Hominen

វៀតណាមនីយកម្ម៖ អ្នកនាំពាក្យ ភាគីទីបី, ហេឡិន ចាវីស, កម្មវិធី ប្រឆាំង អំពើប្រល័យពូជសាសន៍ របស់ បិន ឃឺននីន នៅសាកលវិទ្យាល័យ យ៉េល, ការប្រកាន់ពូជសាសន៍ «យួន», តក្កវិជ្ជា យោងតាម មនុស្ស ជាជាង ភាពត្រឹមត្រូវ នៃគំនិត

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